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The Communist Manifesto is the most influential political call-to-arms ever written. In the century and a half since its publication the world has been shaken repeatedly by those who sought to make its declamations a reality. But the focus of this modern edition is not primarily the vivid history of Marx and Engels' most important work. Rather, with a characteristically elegant and acute introduction by the distinguished historian Eric Hobsbawm, it asserts the pertinence of the Manifesto today. Hobsbawm writes that 'the world described by Marx and Engels in 1848 in passages of dark, laconic eloquence, is recognizably the world we live in 150 years later'. He identifies the insights whish underpin the Manifesto's startling contemporary relevance: the recognition of capitalism as a world system capable of marshalling production on a global scale; its devastating impact on all aspects of human existe43nce, work, the family and the distribution of wealth; and the understanding that, far from being a stable, immutable system, it is, on the contrary, susceptible to enormous convulsions and crisis, and contains the seeds of its own destruction. For anyone sceptical of the triumphalism of the financial markets in recent years, who chooses to focus instead on the growing global divergence of rich and poor, the ravaging of the environment and the atomization of society, the manifesto will appear as a work of extraordinary prescience and power.

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资产阶级在历史上曾经起过非常革命的作用。

资产阶级在它已经取得了统治的地方把一切封建的、宗法的和田园诗般的关系都破坏了。它无情地斩断了把人们束缚于天然尊长的形形色色的封建羁绊，它使人和人之间除了赤裸裸的利害关系，除了冷酷无情的现金交易”，就再也没有任何别的联系了。它把宗教虔诚、骑士热、小市民伤感这些情感的神圣发作，淹没在利己主义打算的冰水之中。它把人的尊严变成了交换价值，用种没有良心的贸易自由代替了无数特许的和自力挣得的自由。总而言之，它用公开的、无耻的、直接的、露骨的剥削代替了由宗教想和政治幻想掩盖着的剥削。

资产阶级，由于一切生产工具的迅速改进，由于交通的极其便利，把一切民族甚至最野蛮的民族都卷到文明中来了。它的商品的低廉价格，是它用来摧毁一切万里长城、征服野蛮人最顽强的仇外心理的重炮。它使一切民族一一如果它们不想灭亡的话——采用资产阶级的生产方式；它迫使它们在自己那里推行所谓的文明，即变成资产者。一句话，它按照自己的面貌为自己创造出一个世界

共产党人不屑于隐瞒自己的观点和意图。他们公开宣布：他们的目的只有用暴力推翻全部现存的社会制度才能达到。让统治阶级在共产主义革命面前发抖吧。无产者在这个革命中失去的只是锁链。他们获得的将是整个世界。全世界无产者，联合起来！

Twenty years later, we find ourselves in the grip of very different narratives from those modern 'rights of man and citizen': stories of a dynamic global society ever more unified by downsizing, deskilling, and work disappearing -- real work disappearing so company stocks can rise, the rich can get richer, and congratulate themselves on what they have done to our world. Few of us today share Marx's feeling that a clear alternative to capitalism is there, right there. But many of us embrace his radical perspective, his indignation, his belief that modern men and women have the capacity to create a better world. All of a sudden, the iconic may look more convincing than the ironic; that classic bearded presence, the atheist as biblical prophet, still has plenty to say. At the dawn of the twen...

一、资产者和无产者

1现代资产阶级本身是一个长期发展过程的产物，是生产方式和交换方式的一系列变革的产物。

2现代的国家政权不过是管理整个资产阶级的共同事务的委员会罢了。

3资产阶级在它已经取得了统治的地方把一切封建的、宗法的和田园诗般的关系都破坏了。它无情地斩断了把人们束缚于天然尊长的形形色色的封建羁绊，它使人和人之间除了赤裸裸的利害关系，除了冷酷无情的“现金交易”，就再也没有任何别的联系了。它把宗教虔诚、骑士热忱、小市民伤感这些情感的神圣发作，淹没在利己主义打算的冰水之中。它把人的尊严变成了交换价值，用一种没有良心的贸易自由代替了无数特许的和自力挣得的自由。总而言之，它用公开的、无耻的、直接的、露骨的剥削代替了由宗教幻想和政治幻想掩盖着的剥削。

4资产阶级抹去了一切向来受人尊崇和令人敬畏的职业的神圣光环。它把医生、律师、教士、诗人和学者变成了它出钱招雇的雇佣劳动者。

资产阶级除非对生产工具，从而对生产关系，从而对全部社会关系不断地进行革命，否则就不能生存下去。

它（资产阶级）迫使一切民族——如果它们不想灭亡的话——采用资产阶级的生产方式；它迫使它们在自己那里推行所谓文明，即变成资产者。一句话，它按照自己的面貌为自己创造出一个世界。

资产阶级使农村屈服于城市的统治。它创立了巨大的城市，使城市人口比农村人口大大增加起来，因而使很大一部分居民脱离了农村生活的愚昧状态。正象它使农村从属于城市一样，它使未开化和半开化的国家从属于文明的国家，使农民的民族从属于资产阶级的民族，使东方从属于西方。

它使人口密集起来，使生产资料集中起来，使财产聚集在少数人的手里。由此必然产生的结果就是政治的集中。各自独立的、几乎只有同盟关系的、各有不同利益、不同法律、不同政府、不同关税的各个地区，现在已经结合为一个拥有统一的政府、统一的法律、统一的民族阶级利益和统一的关税的统一的民族。

5在商业危机期...

我们要消灭私有制，你们就惊慌起来。但是，在你们的现存社会里，私有财产对十分之九的成员来说已经被消灭了；这种私有制之所以存在，正是因为私有财产对十分之九的成员来说已经不存在。可见，你们责备我们，是说我们要消灭那种以社会上的绝大多数人没有财产为必要条件的所有制。

书籍介绍

The Communist Manifesto is the most influential political call-to-arms ever written. In the century and a half since its publication the world has been shaken repeatedly by those who sought to make its declamations a reality. But the focus of this modern edition is not primarily the vivid history of Marx and Engels' most important work. Rather, with a characteristically elegant and acute introduction by the distinguished historian Eric Hobsbawm, it asserts the pertinence of the Manifesto today. Hobsbawm writes that 'the world described by Marx and Engels in 1848 in passages of dark, laconic eloquence, is recognizably the world we live in 150 years later'. He identifies the insights whish underpin the Manifesto's startling contemporary relevance: the recognition of capitalism as a world system capable of marshalling production on a global scale; its devastating impact on all aspects of human existe43nce, work, the family and the distribution of wealth; and the understanding that, far from being a stable, immutable system, it is, on the contrary, susceptible to enormous convulsions and crisis, and contains the seeds of its own destruction. For anyone sceptical of the triumphalism of the financial markets in recent years, who chooses to focus instead on the growing global divergence of rich and poor, the ravaging of the environment and the atomization of society, the manifesto will appear as a work of extraordinary prescience and power.